丘吉尔演讲

英国议会改革

邓小平与撒切尔夫人交锋记

丘吉尔二战著名演讲:热血、汗水和眼泪

1832年议会改革主要包括两项重要内容:重新分配议席。取消许多已经衰败的选区,减少一些选区的议席;人口增加的郡的议席增多,新兴工业城市取得较多议席。具体规定:人口不足2000人的56个城市被取消了下院议席,人口在2000——4000人之间的31个城市只能保留一个议席。空余下来的席位给予人口增多的郡和新兴工业城市,新兴工业城市得到65个席位。更改选举资格,扩大选民范围。降低选民的财产和身份要求,工业资产阶级和农村中的富裕农民得到选举权,选民人数大大增加。到1832年英国大约有16%的成年男子得到选举权。这次议会改革以和平的方式削弱了贵族保守势力。工业资产阶级得以更多地分享政权。但是广大工人、雇农和妇女仍被排斥于政治之外。

1982年9月,英国首相撒切尔夫人访问中国,就香港前途问题与中国领导人进行会谈。邓小平以一个伟大爱国者的情怀,严正驳斥了撒切尔夫人的“三个条约有效论”,宣布中国领导人决不当李鸿章,表明了中国政府收回香港、维护中国主权与统一的坚定立场。以后,邓小平又驳回了英方“以主权换治权”的要求,使中英关于香港问题的谈判朝着1997年顺利回归、一国两制的方向稳步发展……

1940年5月8日,由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议,被迫辞职。5月10日下午6时,国王召见丘吉尔,令其组阁;一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼,邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。3天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议,发表了著名的讲话:“我没有别的,只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家……你们问:我们的目的是什么?我可以用一个词来答复:胜利,不惜一切代价去争取胜利,无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利,无论道路多么遥远艰难,也要争取胜利,因为没有胜利就无法生存。”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。

1867年改革法案对议席分配再次作了调整,取消了46个“衰败选区”,空出的52个议席分给大工业城市和较大的郡。曼彻斯特、伯明翰等大城市分别增加1个议席,伦敦增加4个议席,另有9个中等城市各获得1个议席;25个议席分给兰开夏、约克等郡;1个给予伦敦大学;2个给予苏格兰大学;其余5个给予苏格兰各郡。法案还降低选民的财产资格。它规定,在城市中凡拥有单独住宅的户主和每年缴纳房租10镑以上的房客,只要在选区内居住一年以上都有选举权;在各郡,每年缴纳地租12镑以上的租佃者和每年收入5镑以上的土地所有者都有选举权。第二次议会改革基本取消了“衰败选区”,使选民总数由135万增加到225万,小资产阶级和上层工人都获得选举权,英国在议会君主制民主化的道路上又向前迈进了一步。但是下层工人和全部农业工人仍未获得选举权。

老记们差点上演“全武打”

演讲全文:

1884年12月,议会通过两个新的改革法案,一个是《人民代表制法》,它把城市中的“房主选举权”原则扩大到各郡区,使部分农业工人也获得了选举权。这样,城市和农村地区的选举资格基本统一起来,英国的选民总数又增加1倍,达到450万人。不过,依靠父母生活没有单独成家立业的男子,以及家庭佣人和全部妇女仍被排斥在选举大门之外。另一个是1885年1月议会通过的《重新分配议席法》。它取消了人口不满1.5万人的72个城市单独选派议员的权利,把它们并入所属各郡;人口在1.5万到5万人之间的36个城市取消1个议席,大体按照每5.4万人分配1个席位的标准,将全国统一划分为617个选区,除22个城市和牛津、剑桥两个大学选区仍保持两个议席外,其余选区均实行单一选区制,即1个选区只选1名代表。这样基本接近于平均代表制原则,对居住在人口稠密的大城市的工人有一定的好处。在1918年的法案中,授予年满30岁的妇女以选举权,1928年又将妇女选举权的年龄限制降低为21岁。成年公民普选权终于得以实现。

1982年9月24日上午9点,中央军委主席邓小平在人民大会堂会见撒切尔夫人。

On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty[最高元首] the
mission to form a new administration[行政机构].

撒切尔夫人提前来到了人民大会堂。她首先来到大会堂的新疆厅,邓颖超已经在门口伫立恭迎。撒切尔夫人与邓颖超亲切握手,同时又献上了一束美丽的鲜花。5年前作为保守党领袖访华时,撒切尔夫人曾经与邓颖超相见。此次重逢,两人谈得十分高兴。

上星期五晚上,我奉陛下之命,组织新的一届政府。

从新疆厅告别邓颖超后,撒切尔夫人就向福建厅走来。到首相快走到门口时,福建厅大门缓缓打开。邓小平笑容可掬地走过来,与撒切尔夫人握手。

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be
conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all
parties.

中外记者们为了抓拍到这一具有重大历史意义的最佳镜头,还演出了一幕小小的“闹剧”:记者们为了占据一个有利位置拍照,你挤我拥地一次又一次骚动,某外国电视台一名记者,被北京的一位电视台摄影师的镜头不小心撞了一下,竟然回身一脚踢在那位同行腰部。被踢者怒不可遏,还以一拳,眼看一出“全武打”即将上演。就在这个当口,福建厅的大门一下子打开了,邓小平步出大厅迎接铁娘子,一场风波自动平息。当邓小平满面笑容地与撒切尔夫人握手问好时,镁光灯“咔嚓”、“咔嚓”闪个不停,记者纷纷抓住时机抢拍镜头。

按国会和国民的意愿,新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上,应该兼容所有的党派。

撒切尔夫人与邓小平一见面后说:“我作为现任首相访华,看到您很高兴。”

I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war
cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor,
Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.

邓小平答:“是呀,英国的首相我认识好几个,但我认识的现在都下台了。欢迎您来呀!”

我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成,包括工党、反对党和自由党,这体现了举国团结一致。

接着,宾主双方步入福建厅就坐。此时,记者们尚未退场,两人仍是相互寒暄。

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account
of[为……的缘故] the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key
positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting[服从、呈递] a further
list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of
principal Ministers during tomorrow.

撒切尔夫人说:“知道您是刚从外地回来。”

由于事态的极端紧急和严峻,新阁政府须于一天之内组成,其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。

邓小平答:“我是陪同北朝鲜主席金日成去了四川。”

The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I
trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed
and that the administration will be complete in all respects[各方面].

“这次旅行一定很愉快吧?”

其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信,在国会下一次召开时,任命将告完成,臻于完善。

“不错,我们在四川吃过好几次川菜,我很喜欢川菜,中国是以川菜和粤菜最为著名。”

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that
the House should be summoned today. At the end of today”s proceedings,
the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with
provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be
notified to M. P. ”s at the earliest opportunity[尽快].

二人聊到马克思,撒切尔夫人说:“马克思写了一部《资本论》,可他恰恰最缺资本!”

为公众利益着想,我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时,建议休会到5月21日,并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。

在主权问题上,邓小平毫不退让

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the
steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The
resolution:

几分钟后,记者被请离场,会谈闭门进行。在友好的气氛中,会谈转入正式话题。

现在我请求国会作出决议,批准我所采取的各项步骤,启示记录在案,并且声明信任新政府。决议如下:

就撒切尔夫人而言,在香港问题上始终抱定“有关香港的三个条约仍然有效”的主张,并在来华前就早有声明,大造舆论。因此正式会谈一开始她就提出了这一问题。

“That this House welcomes the formation of a government
representing[代表] the united[一致的] and inflexible[不屈不挠的]
resolve of the nation to prosecute[依法进行] the war with Germany to a
victorious conclusion.”

面对英国首相的挑战,邓小平寸步不让。他首先指出,这次谈判,除了要解决香港回归中国问题之外,还要磋商解决另外两个主要问题,一个是1997年后采取什么方式来管理香港,继续保持它的繁荣;另一个是中英两国政府要妥善商谈如何使香港从现在到1997年的15年中不出现大波动。简单地讲,实际上这三大问题,就是1997问题、1997后问题和1997前问题。这些才是中英关于香港前途问题谈判的完整议题。

“本国会欢迎新政府的组成,她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心:对德作战,直到最后胜利。”

说到香港的主权归属,邓小平毫不含糊地指出:“中国在这个问题上没有回旋余地。坦率地讲,主权不是一个可以讨论的问题。现在时机已经成熟,应该明确肯定:1997年中国将收回香港。就是说,中国要收回的不仅是新界,而且包括香港岛、九龙。”中国和英国就是在这个前提下来进行谈判,商讨解决香港问题的方式和方法。在此,邓小平重申了新中国成立以来始终不承认19世纪三个不平等条约的一贯立场。

To form an administration of this scale[规模] and complexity is a
serious undertaking in itself[本质上]. But we are in the preliminary
Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any
other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the
Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have
to be made here at home[在国内].

邓小平告诉撒切尔夫人,收回香港,是全中国人民乃至全世界人民的意愿。“如果不收回,就意味着中国政府是晚清政府,中国领导人是李鸿章!”

组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威,在荷兰,我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续,而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。

邓小平说,在不迟于一二年的时间内,中国就要正式宣布收回香港的决策。“中国宣布这个决策,从大的方面来讲,对英国也是有利的,因为这意味着届时英国将彻底地结束殖民统治时代,在世界舆论面前会得到好评。”

In this crisis[危急关头] I think I may be pardoned if I do not address
the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and
colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political
reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with
which it has been necessary to act.

针对撒切尔夫人关于香港的繁荣离不开英国管理的观点,邓小平说:“保持香港的繁荣,我们希望取得英国的合作,但这不是说,香港继续保持繁荣必须在英国的管辖之下才能实现。香港继续保持繁荣根本上取决于中国收回香港后,在中国的管辖之下,实行适合于香港的政策。这些政策的主要特点,就是基本上保持这个地区政治、经济制度现状。”

值此危急关头,我想,即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略,也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。

中国宣布1997年收回香港,香港会不会发生波动?邓小平回答:小波动不可避免,“如果中英两国抱着合作的态度来解决这个问题,就能避免大的波动。”他还告诉英国首相,中国政府在做出这个决策时,各种可能都估计到了,“还考虑了我们不愿意考虑的一个问题,就是如果在15年的过渡时期内香港发生严重的波动,怎么办?那时,中国政府将被迫不得不对收回的时间和方式另作考虑。如果说宣布要收回香港就会像夫人说的‘带来灾难性的影响’,那我们要勇敢地面对这个灾难,做出决策。”

I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this
government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We
have before us an ordeal[考验] of the most grievous[痛苦的、严厉的]
kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.

首相跌倒在大会堂台阶上

我向国会表明,一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的,我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验,将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。

激烈交锋过后,两位领导人商量起会谈公报问题。邓小平建议这次与英国首相的会谈能达成一个协议,“即双方同意通过外交途径开始进行香港问题的磋商。前提是1997年中国收回香港,在这个基础上磋商解决今后15年怎样过渡好以及15年以后香港怎么办的问题。”

You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and
air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us,
and to wage war against a monstrous[巨大的] tyranny[残暴的行为]
never surpassed[凌驾] in the dark and lamentable[可悲的] catalogue
of human crime. That is our policy.

但是,撒切尔夫人坚决不同意邓小平建议,特别是拒绝以1997年中国收回香港为前提。经过一阵争执,双方同意发表一个不做任何实质性承诺的会谈公报。

若问我们的政策是什么?我的回答是:在陆上、海上、空中作战。尽我们的全力,尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战,对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。这就是我们的政策。

当会谈结束后,撒切尔夫人落寞地从门口走出,脸色凝重。当她继续往下走时,高跟鞋与石阶相绊,使身体顿失平衡,栽倒在石阶下,以至皮鞋手袋也被摔到了一边。幸好她已将至平地,摔得不重,在一旁的随员及工作人员立即上前将她扶起。

You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory.
Victory at all costs-victory in spite of[不管] all terrors-victory,
however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no
survival[幸存].

英国女首相这一跤,引起了敏感的舆论界的浓厚兴趣。一位深知铁娘子和邓小平性格的记者分析道:撒切尔夫人锋芒毕露,邓小平绵里藏针。尽管撒切尔夫人受丘吉尔影响极深,坚持“鲜明的传统保守主义哲学和强硬的经济政策”,但在邓的面前,她毕竟还年轻。

若问我们的目标是什么?我可以用一个词来回答,那就是胜利。不惜一切代价,去夺取胜利——不惧一切恐怖,去夺取胜利——不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦,去夺取胜利。因为没有胜利就不能生存。

撒切尔夫人没想到邓小平在香港主权问题上的立场会那么坚定,毫无通融余地。她心中不由得充满失望和痛苦。她回去后对驻华大使柯利达说:邓小平真残酷啊!

Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival
for all that the British Empire has stood for[代表、支持], no survival
for the urge[强烈欲望], the impulse[冲动] of the ages, that mankind
shall move forward toward his goal.

但撒切尔夫人认为,虽然她没有完全达到自己的预定目的,但她使邓小平同意发表一个简短声明,即“双方本着维持香港的繁荣和稳定的共同目的,同意在这次访问后通过外交途径进行商谈”。这个声明没有把中国要收回香港作为谈判的前提写进去。

我们务必认识到,没有胜利就不复有大英帝国,没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切,没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动:人类应当向自己的目标迈进。

9月25日香港《大公报》载文:“据新华社北京9月24日电,邓小平同志今天上午在人民大会堂会见了英国首相玛格丽特?撒切尔夫人。两位领导人在友好的气氛中就香港前途问题进行了深入的讨论……至于中国政府关于收回香港地区主权的立场,是众所周知的。”

I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will
not be suffered to fail among men.

这种公报内行人一看,就知道分歧不小。但要说谈判一点成果也没有,是不对的。两国领导人会谈的历史意义在于开启了中英香港谈判大门。

我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信,大家联合起来,我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。

挡回“三脚凳”牌

I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all
and to say, “Come then, let us go forward together with our united
strength[团结一致的力量].”

在1997年后香港主权问题上的抵抗没有奏效,撒切尔夫人退而求其次,准备在1997年后的行政管理问题上与邓小平再作一番较量。

在此时此刻的危急关头,我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说:“来吧,让我们群策群力,并肩前进!

撒切尔夫人1983年6月提前实行大选,保守党获得空前胜利,她再次登上首相宝座。

史上最狂妄的演讲

在连任首相赢得巨大胜利的鼓舞下,撒切尔夫人在中英关于香港问题正式会谈开始后,向中方发起了新一轮进攻。她不再谈“三个条约”有效,不再提“续约”之类的要求,转而采取新的策略:用主权换治权。即英国同意在1997年把香港还给中国政府。但是,中国政府恢复对香港行使主权之后,英国可以受中国之托继续管理香港。1997年后香港的模式将是:香港回归,英人治港,而非港人治港。

甲骨文公司总裁Larry Ellison在耶鲁大学的演讲

外交大臣杰弗里·豪和外交部其他官员,却主张尽快在谈判中向中方表示不再谋求1997年后继续管治香港。但是,撒切尔夫人认为“没有理由作出这种让步”。她甚至主张,“要把每张讨价还价的牌都使用到最佳效果”。于是她使出了“三脚凳”这张牌。

“Graduates of Yale University, I apologize if you have endured this type
of prologue before, but I want you to do something for me. Please, take
a good look around you. Look at the classmate on your left[在左边].
Look at the classmate on your right[在右边].

所谓“三脚凳”,是在中英开始对香港问题谈判时,港英当局企图以正式成员身份参加,造成中英港三方共室的事实,以达到“还政于港”、使香港成为一个政治独立实体的目的。

Now, consider this[设想一下]: five years from now[从现在起], 10
years from now, even thirty years from now, odds are the person on your
left is going to be a loser. The person on your right, meanwhile, will
also be a loser. And you, in the middle? What can you expect? Loser.
Loserhood. Loser Cum Laude[以优等成绩毕业者]. In fact, as I look out
before me today, I don’t see a thousand hopes for a bright tomorrow. I
don’t see a thousand future leaders in a thousand industries. I see a
thousand losers. You’re upset. That’s understandable. After all, how
can I,Lawrence “Larry” Ellison, college dropout[辍学], have the
audacity[大胆的] to spout such heresy[异端] to the graduating class
of one of the nation’s most prestigious[有名望的] institutions?

1983年6月30日,港督尤德奉召返回伦敦,随同尤德来到唐宁街10号的还有9名港府行政局的议员。显然,铁娘子是把他们与港督作为另一只“脚”来加强英方同中国谈判的阵容。7月4日,撒切尔夫人在唐宁街10号会见了尤德及香港议员代表。

I’ll tell you why. Because I, Lawrence “Larry” Ellison, second richest
man on the planet[在这个星球上], am college dropout, and you are not.
Because Bill Gates, richest man on the planet-for now anyway-is a
college dropout, and you are not. Because Paul Allen, the third richest
man on the planet, dropped out of college, and you did not. And for good
measure[另外], because Michael Dell, No.9 on the list and moving up
fast, is a college dropout, and you, yet again, are not.

这天晚上,首相府发言人宣布:“首相和外交大臣重申他们对香港承担的义务和他们设法达成的目的,这些协议应该是议会、中国和香港人民都能接受的……”

Hmm … you’re very upset. That’s understandable. So let me stroke
your Egos for a moment by pointing out, quite sincerely, that your
diplomas were not attained in vain[徒然]. Most of you, I imagine, have
spent four to five years here, and in many ways what you’ve learned
and endured will serve[服务、发球] you well in the years ahead.
You’ve established good work habits. You’ve established a network of
people that will help you down the road. And you’ve established what
will be lifelong[终身的] relationships with the word
“therapy[疗法].” All that of is good.

7月7日,尤德自伦敦返港举行记者招待会。这时记者们已经获悉英国谈判代表团的名单中有尤德,而且排名第二,便问他:中英第二阶段的会谈与第一阶段有何不同,尤德意味深长地回答道:“不同之处是有我参加。”

For in truth, you will need that network. You will need those strong
work habits. You will need that therapy. You will need them because you
didn’t drop out, and so you will never be among the richest people in
the world. Oh sure, you may, perhaps, work your way up to №10 or №11,
like Steve Ballmer. But then, I don’t have to tell you who he really
works for, do I? And for the record, he dropped out of grad school. Bit
of a late bloomer[开花植物].

记者们向尤德问了最要害的一个问题:“你是代表英国参加谈判,还是代表谁?”

Finally, I realize that many of you, and hopefully by now most of you,
Are wondering, “Is there anything I can do? Is there any hope for me at
all? Actually, no. It’s too late. You’ve absorbed too much, think
you know too much. You’re not 9 anymore. You have a built-in cap,and
I’m not referring to the mortarboards on your heads[头上的学士帽].

在记者穷追不舍的逼迫下,尤德打开天窗说了亮话:“我是以港督身份代表香港市民参加谈判,我不代表他们又能代表谁呢?”这位总督大人到底还是一语道破天机。

Hmm … you’re really very upset. That’s understandable. So perhaps
this Could be a good time to bring up the silver lining. Not for you,
Class of ’00. You are a write-off, so I’ll let you slink[溜走] off
to your pathetic $200,000-a-year jobs, where your cheques will be signed
by former classmates who dropped out two years ago. Instead, I want to
give hope to any underclassmen here today. I say to you, and I can’t
stress this enough: leave. Pack your things and your ideas and don’t
come back. Drop out. Start up. For I can tell you that a cap and gown
will keep you down just as surely as these security guards dragging me
off this stage are keeping me down…”

总督的话引起了一场轩然大波。香港的左翼报纸立刻表态说:“你尤德是英国人,怎么能代表香港人呢?”“中英两个国家谈判,把香港人弄进去干什么?”

(At this point The Oracle CEO was ushered off stage.)

一些头脑清醒的港人马上意识到,这是英国玩的“三脚凳”策略。他们指出:“英国人正在玩弄一个阴谋。如果中国政府落入圈套,那么就会面对着与自己的同胞——香港人作战的尴尬处境;如果香港落入圈套,就会为英国人尽义务,把辛辛苦苦从大陆争来的好处全都让给躲在后边的英国人。”

耶鲁的毕业生们,我很抱歉—如果你们不喜欢这样的开场白。我想请你们为我做一件事。请你—好好看一看周围,看一看站在你左边的同学,看一看站在你右边的同学。

北京及时作出了强烈反应。7月8日,中国外交部发言人发表谈话:“我们注意到了这个消息。中英关于香港问题的会谈是中英两国政府之间的双边会谈。尤德先生是作为英国政府代表团的一个成员参加会谈的,因此他在会谈中只代表英国政府。”

请你设想这样的情况:从现在起5年之后,10年之后,或30年之后,今天站在你左边的这个人会是一个失败者;右边的这个人,同样,也是个失败者。而你,站在中间的家伙,你以为会怎样?一样是失败者。失败的经历。失败的优等生。

中国政府的强硬态度,迫使撒切尔夫人收回刚刚打出的“三脚凳”牌。英国外交部急忙发表声明,说尤德“当然将作为英国代表团的成员参加会谈”。

说实话,今天我站在这里,并没有看到一千个毕业生的灿烂未来。我没有看到一千个行业的一千名卓越领导者,我只看到了一千个失败者。你们感到沮丧,这是可以理解的。为什么,我,埃里森,一个退学生,竟然在美国最具声望的学府里这样厚颜地散布异端?

顶回“治权”牌

我来告诉你原因。因为,我,埃里森,这个行星上第二富有的人,是个退学生,而你不是。因为比尔盖茨,这个行星上最富有的人—就目前而言—是个退学
生,而你不是。因为艾伦,这个行星上第三富有的人,也退了学,而你没有。再来一点证据吧,因为戴尔,这个行星上第九富有的人—他的排位还在不断上升,
也是个退学生。而你,不是。

但是,从7月中旬开始的第一轮会谈到9月下旬的第四轮会谈前后,英方软硬兼施,名义上同意让中国恢复对香港行使主权,但又要求中国同意1997年英国保留对香港的治权。

你们非常沮丧,这是可以理解的。

中英谈判再次面临危机,英国前首相希思急忙飞到北京,会见中国领导人,打算利用自己的特殊身份,为打破谈判僵局贡献一点力量。

你们将来需要这些有用的工作习惯。你将来需要这种“治疗”——。你需要它们,因为你没辍学,所以你永远不会成为世界上最富有的人。哦,当然,你可以,也许,
以你的方式进步到第10位,第11位,就像Steve。不过,我没有告诉你他在为谁工作,是吧?根据记载,他是研究生时辍的学,开化得稍晚了些。

这是希思自1974年以来的第6次访华。他每次访华都要会一会邓小平。9月10日,邓小平在人民大会堂会见希思,两位老朋友亲切地寒暄了一番。当话题转到香港问题时,气氛一下子变得格外沉重。邓小平对英国政府在谈判中的做法极为不满。

现在,我猜想你们中间很多人,也许是绝大多数人,正在琢磨,”能做什么?我究竟有没有前途?”当然没有。太晚了,你们已经吸收了太多东西,以为自己懂得太多。你们再也不是19岁了。你们有了——内置——的帽子,哦,我指的可不是你们脑袋上的学位帽。

邓小平说:“英国政府想用主权来换治权是行不通的。在香港问题上,我希望撒切尔首相和她的政府采取明智的态度。中国1997年收回香港的政策不会受任何干扰、有任何改变,否则我们就交不了账。我不解决这个问题,我就是李鸿章。谁不解决这个问题,都是李鸿章。”他说,他希望今后会谈时不要再纠缠主权换治权问题,要扎扎实实地商量香港以后怎么办,过渡时期怎么办。这对彼此最有益处。如果英方不改变态度,中国就不得不到1984年9月单方面地宣布解决香港问题的方针政策。

嗯……你们已经非常沮丧啦。这是可以理解的。所以,现在可能是讨论实质的时候啦—绝不是为了你们,2000年毕业生。你们已经被报销,不予考虑了。我想,你们就偷偷摸摸去干那年薪20万的可怜工作吧,在那里,工资单是由你两年前辍学的同班同学签字开出来的。事实上,我是寄希望于眼下还没有毕业
的同学。我要对他们说,离开这里。收拾好你的东西,带着你的点子,别再回来。退学吧,开始行动。

英国在谈判会场内外使出各种招数均告失败,中国政府毫不妥协。迫于形势,英国政府在第四轮会谈后,开始考虑采取措施稳定香港经济,并准备在谈判中实行退却。

我要告诉你,一顶帽子一套学位服必然要让你沦落……就像这些保安马上要把我从这个讲台上撵走一样必然……(此时,拉里埃里森被带离了讲台)

历史性时刻终于到了

I have been to the mountaintop

经过一年多的风风雨雨和22轮艰苦谈判,中英两国终于达成协议,迎来收获的时刻。

马丁·路德·金:

1984年12月18日晚8时20分,一架大型民航客机呼啸着降落在北京机场。撒切尔夫人二次访华,正式签署中英香港问题的联合声明。19日下午5时30分,签字仪式正式开始。

Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and
his eloquent[雄辩] and generous[慷慨的] introduction and then
thought about myself[想到我自己], I wondered who he was talking
about[谈论]. It’s always good to have your closest friend and
associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the
best friend that I have in the world. I’m delighted to see each of you
here tonight in spite of [尽管]a storm warning. You reveal[揭露]
that you are determined to go on anyhow.

观礼嘉宾有400多人,另外还有180名中外记者。大家都等待着这一历史时刻的到来。

Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world.
And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the
possibility of taking a kind of [一种]general and panoramic view of
the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me,
“Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?” I would take
my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God’s children in their
magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather
[更精确地说]across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the
promised land[希望之乡]. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn’t
stop there.

仪式从签名到交换文本,共用了4分钟。当两国领导人互换声明文本时,大厅里爆发出热烈的掌声。邓小平、李先念来到撒切尔夫人面前,举起香槟酒,笑容满面地祝贺中英双方完成了一件具有历史意义的重大事件。

I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would
see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled
around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as
they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn’t
stop there.

550万香港市民、10亿中国人和全球无数双眼睛,从卫星转播的电视荧屏上,观看到中英关系发展史上这闪光的一页。蒙在“东方明珠”上面的尘垢,终于被冲洗干净。

I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would
see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But
I wouldn’t stop there.

20日下午,邓小平会见英国首相时说,香港问题不解决,在两国政府和两国人民之间总存在着阴影。现在这个阴影消失了,两国之间的合作和友好一片光明。

I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick
picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic
life of man. But I wouldn’t stop there.

撒切尔夫人完全赞同邓小平这一评价。她特别赞扬了邓小平提出的“一国两制”的构想是最富天才的创造。《中英联合声明》的正式签署,使香港的未来完全明朗:1997年7月1日,香港将回归祖国怀抱,1997年后将长期保持现行制度,由港人治港。香港人民欢迎这个前景。12月29日,恒生指数上升到1187.54点,成为当年的新高潮。

I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named
[和我相同名字的那个人]had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther
as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of
Wittenberg. But I wouldn’t stop there.

中英通过谈判解决香港问题,也在全世界引起了积极热烈的反响。世界舆论认为,这是解决国际争端的最好典范。联合国秘书长佩雷斯?德奎利亚尔认为:中英两国解决香港问题的方式应该大力提倡,这恰恰是我们在目前的国际形势下非常需要的。

I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by
the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion[得出结论]
that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn’t stop
there.

几年后,美国《世界报》评选10年风云人物,邓小平与撒切尔夫人以相同票数当选,被看成最能代表时代精神的人。

I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling
with[努力克服] the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come
with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but “fear itself.” But
I wouldn’t stop there.

Strangely enough[说来也奇怪], I would turn to the Almighty, and say,
“If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th
century[20世纪的后半期], I will be happy.” Now that’s a strange
statement to make, because the world is all messed up[刻薄、混乱]. The
nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That’s a
strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough
can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the
twentieth century in a way [某种程度上]that men, in some strange way,
are responding.

Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising
up[觉醒]. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in
Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City;
Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee — the
cry[口号] is always the same: “We want to be free.”

And another reason that I’m happy to live in this period is that we have
been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple
with[克服] the problems that men have been trying to grapple with
through history, but the demands didn’t force them to do it. Survival
demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now[多年来], have
been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk
about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in
this world; it’s nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are
today.

And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn’t done, and
done in a hurry[匆忙], to bring the colored peoples of the world out
of their long years of poverty[困境], their long years of hurt and
neglect[忽略怠慢], the whole world is doomed[注定]. Now, I’m just
happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is
unfolding. And I’m happy that He’s allowed me to be in Memphis.

I can remember — I can remember when Negroes were just going around as
Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn’t itch, and
laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean
business[不是开玩笑] now, and we are determined to gain our rightful
place in God’s world.

And that’s all this whole thing is about. We aren’t engaged in any
negative[否定] protest[抗议] and in any negative arguments with
anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are
determined to be people. We are saying — We are saying that we are
God’s children. And that we are God’s children, we don’t have to live
like we are forced to live.

Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It
means that we’ve got to stay together. We’ve got to stay together and
maintain unity[保持团结]. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong
the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for
doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves.
But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh’s
court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get
together, that’s the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us
maintain unity[让我们保持团结].

Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice.
The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its
dealings with[处理] its public servants[公职人员], who happen to be
sanitation workers[环卫工人]. Now, we’ve got to keep attention on
that. That’s always the problem with a little violence. You know what
happened the other day[不久前一天], and the press dealt only with the
window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to
mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers
are on strike[罢工], and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and
that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of[急需] a doctor. They didn’t get
around to that.

Now we’re going to march again, and we’ve got to march again, in order
to put the issue where it is supposed to[被期望] be — and force
everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God’s children here
suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through[熬过] dark and dreary
nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That’s the issue.
And we’ve got to say to the nation: We know how it’s coming out. For
when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing
to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point[停止点] short of
[缺乏]victory.

We aren’t going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our
nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don’t know what to
do. I’ve seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we
were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th
Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out.
And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did
come; but we just went before the dogs singing, “Ain’t gonna let nobody
turn me around.”Bull Connor next would say, “Turn the fire hoses on.”
And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn’t know history.
He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn’t relate to the transphysics
that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind
of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses;
we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we
had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been
sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn’t stop us.

And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we’d
go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we’d just go
on singing “Over my head I see freedom in the air.” And then we would be
thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like
sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say,
“Take ’em off,” and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon
singing, “We Shall Overcome.” And every now and then we’d get in jail,
and we’d see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our
prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a
power there which Bull Connor couldn’t adjust to; and so we ended up
transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham.

Now we’ve got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be
with us when we go out Monday.

Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we’re going into court
tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All
we say to America is, “Be true to what you said on paper.” If I lived in
China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could
understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand
the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they
hadn’t committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of
the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech.
Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the
greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I
say, we aren’t going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we
aren’t going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.

We need all of you. And you know what’s beautiful to me is to see all of
these ministers of the Gospel. It’s a marvelous picture. Who is it that
is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people
more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire
shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it.
Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, “When God speaks who
can but prophesy?” Again with Amos, “Let justice roll down like waters
and righteousness like a mighty stream.” Somehow the preacher must say
with Jesus, “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed
me,” and he’s anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor.”

And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble
men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years;
he’s been to jail for struggling; he’s been kicked out of Vanderbilt
University for this struggle, but he’s still going on, fighting for the
rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just
go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank
all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers
aren’t concerned about anything but themselves. And I’m always happy to
see a relevant ministry.

It’s all right to talk about “long white robes over yonder,” in all of
its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and
shoes to wear down here! It’s all right to talk about “streets flowing
with milk and honey,” but God has commanded us to be concerned about the
slums down here, and his children who can’t eat three square meals a
day. It’s all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God’s
preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new
Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is
what we have to do.

Now the other thing we’ll have to do is this: Always anchor our external
direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor
people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society
in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively — that
means all of us together — collectively we are richer than all the
nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think
about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great
Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American
Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an
annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more
than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national
budget of Canada. Did you know that? That’s power right there, if we
know how to pool it.

We don’t have to argue with anybody. We don’t have to curse and go
around acting bad with our words. We don’t need any bricks and bottles.
We don’t need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these
stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, “God
sent us by here, to say to you that you’re not treating his children
right. And we’ve come by here to ask you to make the first item on your
agenda fair treatment, where God’s children are concerned. Now, if you
are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow.
And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you.”

And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and
tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them
not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy — what is the other
bread? — Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell
them not to buy Hart’s bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only
the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute
the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven’t been fair
in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can
begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the
rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town —
downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.

But not only that, we’ve got to strengthen black institutions. I call
upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your
money in Tri-State Bank. We want a “bank-in” movement in Memphis. Go by
the savings and loan association. I’m not asking you something that we
don’t do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we
have an account here in the savings and loan association from the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow
what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black
insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance
there. We want to have an “insurance-in.”

Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process
of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are
putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through
here.

Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we’ve got to give
ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic
than to stop at this point in Memphis. We’ve got to see it through. And
when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work,
if it means leaving school — be there. Be concerned about your brother.
You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down
together.

Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to
Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of
life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a
little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base…

Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and
theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from
mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and
Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You
remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They
didn’t stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He
got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But
he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in
need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great
man, because he had the capacity to project the “I” into the “thou,” and
to be concerned about his brother.

Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine
why the priest and the Levite didn’t stop. At times we say they were
busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they
had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn’t be late for their
meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious
law that “One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch
a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony.” And every now and
then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to
Jerusalem — or down to Jericho, rather to organize a “Jericho Road
Improvement Association.” That’s a possibility. Maybe they felt that it
was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to
get bogged down with an individual effect.

But I’m going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It’s possible
that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous
road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented
a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on
that road, I said to my wife, “I can see why Jesus used this as the
setting for his parable.” It’s a winding, meandering road. It’s really
conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200
miles — or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get
down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you’re about 2200 feet
below sea level. That’s a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came
to be known as the “Bloody Pass.” And you know, it’s possible that the
priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if
the robbers were still around. Or it’s possible that they felt that the
man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been
robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for
quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked
— the first question that the Levite asked was, “If I stop to help this
man, what will happen to me?” But then the Good Samaritan came by. And
he reversed the question: “If I do not stop to help this man, what will
happen to him?”

That’s the question before you tonight. Not, “If I stop to help the
sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, “If I stop to help
the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I
usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?” The
question is not, “If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen
to me?” The question is, “If I do not stop to help the sanitation
workers, what will happen to them?” That’s the question.

Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a
greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these
days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an
opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God,
once more, for allowing me to be here with you.

You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the
first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing
books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from
her was, “Are you Martin Luther King?” And I was looking down writing,
and I said, “Yes.” And the next minute I felt something beating on my
chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was
rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that
blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the
blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that’s
punctured, your drowned in your own blood — that’s the end of you.

It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely
sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed
me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade
had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital.
They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over
the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of
them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the
Vice-President. I’ve forgotten what those telegrams said. I’d received a
visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I’ve forgotten
what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a
little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High
School. And I looked at that letter, and I’ll never forget it. It said
simply,

Dear Dr. King,

I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School.” And she
said,While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I’m a
white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your
suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And
I’m simply writing you to say that I’m so happy that you didn’t
sneeze.And I want to say tonight — I want to say tonight that I too am
happy that I didn’t sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn’t have
been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started
sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in,
they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and
taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which
were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence
and the Constitution.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn’t have been around here in 1961, when we
decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state
travel.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn’t have been around here in 1962, when Negroes
in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever
men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere,
because a man can’t ride your back unless it is bent.

If I had sneezed — If I had sneezed I wouldn’t have been here in 1963,
when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of
this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn’t have had a chance later that year, in
August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn’t have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see
the great Movement there.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn’t have been in Memphis to see a community
rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.

And they were telling me –. Now, it doesn’t matter, now. It really
doesn’t matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we
got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the
public address system, “We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr.
Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags
were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the
plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we’ve had the plane
protected and guarded all night.”

And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk
about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of
our sick white brothers?

Well, I don’t know what will happen now. We’ve got some difficult days
ahead. But it really doesn’t matter with me now, because I’ve been to
the mountaintop. And I don’t mind. Like anybody, I would like to live a
long life. Longevity has its place. But I’m not concerned about that
now. I just want to do God’s will. And He’s allowed me to go up to the
mountain. And I’ve looked over. And I’ve seen the Promised Land. I may
not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a
people, will get to the promised land!

And so I’m happy, tonight. I’m not worried about anything. I’m not
fearing any man! Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the
Lord!!

马丁·路德·金衷心感谢你们,我的朋友们。我在听拉尔夫·阿伯纳西演讲和他流利而又充满溢美之词的介绍时,我在反省着自己,我在想他谈论的那个人是否就是我。当你最好的朋友和伙伴说你好话的时候,感觉总是很美。拉尔夫·阿伯纳西是我在这个世界上最好的朋友。尽管外面风声很紧,但我很高兴看到今晚诸位依然前来这里听我布道,你们的到来说明你们有决心无论如何都要把争民权运动继续下去。

一些事情正在孟菲斯发生着,一些事情正在这个世界上发生着。诸位知道,如果我站在人类历史的开端,尽可能地用一种全方位的镜头审视人类至今的历史,万能的主对我说:“马丁·路德·金,你愿意生活在哪一个时代?”我愿意把思绪放飞到古埃及,我愿意看到上帝的子民从暗无天日的埃及地牢逃出、跨过红海、穿越荒野、奔向应许之地的伟大征程。尽管那情景壮丽宏大,但我不会停留在那里。我愿意继续前行,来到古希腊,把我的思绪放飞到奥林匹斯山,我愿意看到柏拉图、亚里士多德、苏格拉底、欧里庇得斯以及阿里斯托芬聚集在帕台农神庙,我愿意看到他们聚集在那里坐而论道,纵论现实生活中伟大而又永恒的问题。但我不会停留在那里。

我愿意继续前行,甚至来到罗马帝国最辉煌鼎盛的时期。我愿意看到那里经过几代帝王和领袖的统治,欣欣向荣。但我不会停留在那里。我愿意来到文艺复兴时期,快速地浏览一下文艺复兴给人们的文化和审美带来的影响。但我不会停留在那里。我甚至愿意去体会那个人在其陋室里修行的生活,我愿意看到马丁·路德把他的九十五条钉在威登堡教堂大门上的壮举。但我不会停留在那里。我甚至愿意来到1863年,愿意看到犹豫不决的亚伯拉罕·林肯总统终于下定决心签署《解放黑奴宣言》。但我不会停留在那里。我甚至愿意来到30年代早期,愿意看到一个人正在为破产的国家苦苦思索出路。终于,他以雄辩的口才说出,我们所恐惧的唯有“恐惧本身”。但我不会停留在那里。非常奇怪地,我转向万能的主,对他说:“如果您允许我活到20世纪下半叶之后的若干年,我将感到非常幸福。”这是一个奇怪的想法,因为当今世界一团糟。国家像一个病人,危机四伏,一片混乱。

这确实是一个奇怪的想法,但是我知道,只有在黑夜里你才可以看见星星。我看到上帝正在20世纪的这个年代以某种方式发挥着作用,而人类以一种奇怪的方式应和着上帝。一些事情正在这个世界上发生着。人民大众正在崛起。今天无论他们在哪里集会,无论他们在南非的约翰内斯堡、肯尼亚的奈洛比、加纳的阿克拉,还是美国的纽约、佐治亚州的亚特兰大及密西西比州的杰克逊市或者田纳西州的孟菲斯市——他们的呼声总是相同的:“我们要自由!”生活在这个年代让我感到幸福的另外一个理由是,我们被迫来到了一个我们即将抓住这个问题并必须予以解决之的时点上。

有史以来人们一直试图解决这个问题,但是过去的需求并没迫使他们去把这个问题解决掉。现在生存危机需要我们尽全力解决这个问题。很多年来人民一直在讨论战争与和平。但是今天,人们不能仅仅谈论战争与和平了。在这个世界上不再是暴力和非暴力二选一的问题,而是要么非暴力,要么非生存。这就是我们今天的处境。同样,在人权革命中,如果不采取措施或者不采取紧急措施,把世界上的有色人种从长年累月的贫困中解救出来,不把他们从常年伤害和漠视中解放出来,那么这个世界注定要完蛋。不过,我很高兴上帝允许我生活在这样一个可以看到历史画卷正在展开的时代,并且很高兴上帝允许我来到了孟菲斯市。

我记得——我记得当黑人们曾经四处游荡找不到支点——正像拉尔夫说过的那样——黑人们四处游荡找不到支点,或者隔靴搔痒或者无所适从。但是那样的日子一去不返了。我们是认真的,而且我们下定决心在上帝的世界里我们赢得自己合法的地位。我们现在所做的就是为了这个目的。我们从事的不是消极抗议,也不是和某人的消极争论。我们说我们决心成为一个大写的人,我们决心成为人民——我们说我们是上帝的子民。我们是上帝的子民,我们不必在别人的压迫下讨生活。在这个伟大的历史时期这意味着什么?它意味着我们必须团结起来。我们必须团结起来,万众一心。

我们知道,每当法老想延长埃及奴隶制度的寿命时,他就有灵丹妙药。是什么灵丹妙药呢?那就是他让奴隶们不停地内斗。但是一旦奴隶们走到了一起,在法老的宫廷里,奇怪的事情发生了,法老再也不能维持奴隶制度了。当奴隶们团结在一起的时候,那就是奴隶制灭亡的开始。现在就让我们团结起来吧。第二,让我们集中精力对付现在的问题。不公平是一个问题。孟菲斯市在对待其公共服务人员时缺乏公平和诚心,碰巧这些公务服务人员是城市清洁工人,这是一个问题。现在我们必须全力以赴来对付这个问题。

比较棘手的问题是发生零星暴力事件。诸位知道前天发生的事情,报刊只会报道类似砸窗户玻璃这样的暴力事件。我阅读了这些报道。记者们很少提到造成孟菲斯市1300名环卫工人罢工事实的原因,很少提到孟菲斯市1300名环卫工人的不公正待遇,很少提到勒伯市长急需一位“医生”。记者们没提这些。现在为了就地解决这个问题,我们将再次游行,并且必须再次游行,让世人看看,在这里有1300名上帝子民正在受难,有时还要挨饿,有时要度过漆黑忧郁的夜晚,因为他们不知道将来事情如何了结。这就是目前的问题。我们务必向全国人民说明:我们知道事情如何了结。

因为一旦人们明白什么是正确的并愿意为了真理而牺牲的时候,不达胜利是不会罢休的。催泪瓦斯不会阻止我们的步伐,我们是非暴力运动的主人,不会引起警察们的敌意,他们拿我们无可奈何。我常常和他们“碰面”。我记得在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰市,当我们举行大规模抗议斗争的时候,我们日复一日常常出没于浸信会教堂第十六大街,常常是数百人一伙。警察局局长“公牛”康纳命令部下出动警犬,警犬的确出动了,但是我们仍然出现在警犬面前,大声唱着“我们不许任何人让我们转身离开”。“公牛”康纳接着说道:“把高压水龙头打开喷他们。”

正如我前晚告诉过你们的那样,“公牛”康纳不懂历史。他懂得一点物理知识,但是他不懂“变换物理学”知识,而我们懂得。事实是我们内心的怒火是不可能被高压水龙头扑灭的。于是我们出现在了高压水龙头面前,我们早已见识过这种场面。如果我们中的一些人是浸信会教友或其宗教派别,我们早已受过洗礼。如果我们中的一些人是卫理公会教徒或其宗教派别,我们早已被水喷洒过。我们早识水性,高压水龙头阻止不了我们。所以我们在警犬面前继续前行,勇敢面对它们;我们在高压水龙头面前继续前行,勇敢面对它们。我们边走边唱“仰望天空,我看到了自由”。

后来警察把我们塞到了警车里,像罐头里的沙丁鱼一样挤在一起。警察们还在把我们往警车里拽,老“公牛”就说:“把他们拉下来。”于是警察们把我们中的一些人拉下了警车。其余的人随着警车边走边唱:“我们必将取得胜利。”我们不时会被关进监狱,我们看到狱卒隔着铁窗望进来,被我们的声声祈祷和阵阵歌声所感动。监狱里有一股“公牛”康纳适应不了的力量,因此最终我们把这头“公牛”变成了一头“阉牛”,我们取得了伯明翰市斗争的胜利。现在我们必须在孟菲斯市继续做同样的事情。我号召你们和我们一起参加周一的游行。……在快结束布道前,我要说我们必须全身心投入本次的斗争中直到结束。如果现在就结束我们在孟菲斯的抗议活动,那将是最为悲哀的一件事。

我们必须看到最终结果。当我们下周一游行时,我要求你们都参加。如果那意味着你要离开工作岗位或离开学校——你们也要参加。关心一下你们的兄弟吧。你们可以不参加罢工,但是我们休戚相关,一荣俱荣,一损俱损。让我们培养一种带有危险性的无私精神吧。一天,一个人来到耶稣身边,他想问几个有关生命意义的重要问题。起初他想蒙骗耶稣,向耶稣炫耀他懂得的道理比耶稣还多一点,想给耶稣来个下马威……本来耶稣对他提的问题可以很轻易地在哲学和神学的讨论中解决掉。但是耶稣很快就把他的问题从半空中扯了下来,将其置于耶路撒冷和杰里科之间的危险弯道上。耶稣讲到了一个人,这个人在经过那个危险弯道时落入了盗贼之手。此时一位利未人和一位神父刚好路过。但是他们没有停下脚步帮助那位落入贼人之手的人。

后来另外一个种族的人经过那里,他从胯下的怪兽身上跳了下来,一开始并不打算管闲事。但最终他还是出手了,对路人实施了急救,并帮助了这位急于寻求救助的人。最后耶稣说道,这是一个好人,是一个了不起的人,因为他有能力把“我”投射到“你”身上,因为他关心他的兄弟。现在你们知道,我们充分利用我们的想象力来试图分析为什么那位利未人和神父没有停下来解救路人。有时候我们会说,他们可能正赶路去参加一个教堂聚会吧,而且是教会组织的聚会,他们必须马不停蹄地赶往耶路撒冷,否则就可能迟到。有时候我们又会揣测说,有一条宗教法律是这么规定的:“在参加宗教仪式之前的二十四小时内不得接触凡人的身体。”而有时我们开始怀疑他们不是赶往耶路撒冷或杰里科,而是去组织一个“杰里科路况改善协会”。

这是一种可能性。也许他们觉得,对付这类问题最好的办法是从根上找原因,而不是为了个别人而陷入困境。但是我要告诉你们我所能够想到的理由。很可能那两个人心中充满恐惧。你们知道,杰里科路况险恶。我记得我和夫人第一次到耶路撒冷的情形。我们租了一辆小汽车,从耶路撒冷一路开到杰里科。一上路,我就对我妻子说:“怪不得耶稣用这条道路为场景来安排他的寓言故事。”这是一条九曲十八弯的路,确实是强人做埋伏的好地方。从海拔大约1200公里——更确切地说,是1200英尺的耶路撒冷出发,一路向杰里科进发,15分钟或20分钟后到达目的地,这里的海拔已经是2200英尺。这确实是一条危机四伏的道路,在耶稣那个时代就以“血路”闻名于世。

因此,那位利未人和神父远远望过去那位躺在路上的人,可能心里盘算着周围是否还有强盗。或者还有一种可能,就是他们觉得那个躺在地上的人只是在假装,他假装遭到了打劫,受到了伤害,目的就是诱骗他们过去然后将他俩一网打尽。因此神父问的第一个问题——也是那个利未人问的第一个问题就是:“假如我停下来去帮助他,我会发生什么事?”但是随后那位好心的撒马利亚人过来了,他问了一个相反的问题:“假如我不停下来去帮助他,他会发生什么事?”这就是今晚摆在你们面前的问题。

不是“假如我停下来去帮助环卫工人,我的工作怎么办?”不是“假如我停下来去帮助环卫工人,我作为牧师损失的在办公室办公的时间怎么办?”问题不是“假如我停下来去帮助那个需要帮助的人,我会发生什么事?”问题是“假如我不停下来去帮助这些环卫工人,他们会发生什么事?”这才是问题所在。今晚让我们怀着更大的心理准备振作起来,让我们怀着更大的决心站立起来。让我们在这些充满暴风雨的日子里勇往直前,这些日子里将会充满挑战,这些挑战会让美国成为她应该成为的一个国家。我们有机会把美国变成一个更加美好的国家。我要再次感谢上帝,是他允许我来到这里和你们站在一起。

众所周知,几年前,我在纽约签售我写的第一本书。当我坐下来正在书上签名的时候,一名精神错乱的黑人妇女走上前来。我听到她问的唯一问题是:“你是马丁·路德·金吗?”我正埋头签名,便回答说:“是的。”下一刻我便感到什么东西打在了我的胸口。当我明白是怎么一回事的时候,我已经被这个精神错乱的妇女刺中了。我被紧急送到了哈林医院。那是一个阴暗的星期六下午。尖刀刺透了我的胸膛,X光片显示刀尖紧贴着我的动脉,而且是主动脉。

一旦主动脉破裂,你就会倒在血泊之中——那可就完蛋了。第二天早上的纽约时报报道说,假如我当时打个轻微的喷嚏,我将必死无疑。我做了开胸手术,尖刀被取了出来,大概四天之后,医生允许我坐在轮椅上在医院四处活动。医生允许我阅读来自全国乃至世界各地的祝福信。我读了一些,但其中的一封我永远不会忘记。我收到了总统和副总统写给我的信,但是我已经忘记了电传里的内容。我收到了纽约州长的信,并且他还亲自探望过我,但是我已经忘记了他信里的内容。但是有一封来自怀特普莱斯中学一位小女孩的信,我看了后,再也不会忘记。

她在信中简单地写道:“亲爱的金博士:我是一个来自怀特普莱斯中学九年级的学生。”
她写道,“尽管这无关紧要,但是我还是想说,我是一个白人女孩。我从报纸上读到了你的不幸遭遇以及你的痛苦。报纸上还说,如果你当时打个喷嚏,将必死无疑。我写这封信就是想告诉你,我很高兴你当时没有打喷嚏。”今晚我想对诸位说,我非常高兴当时我没有打喷嚏。因为假如我打了喷嚏,我就不会在1960年来到此地,那年所有南方的学生都开始举行小餐馆室内静坐抗议活动。我知道,当他们坐下来的时候,实际上他们正在站起来为美国梦中最美好的理想而斗争,他们正在把整个国家推向由国父们用《独立宣言》及《宪法》给我们深深培育好的民主“大潮”之中。

假如我打了喷嚏,我就不会在1961年来到此地,那一年,我们为了争取黑人坐车自由和结束种族隔离决定发起州际乘车旅行运动。假如我打了喷嚏,我就不会在1962年来到此地,那一年,佐治亚州奥尔巴尼市的黑人们决定挺直腰杆。每当人们挺直腰杆的时候,他们就要四处走走,因为一个人是不能够骑在你身上的,除非你弯下了腰。假如我打了喷嚏,我就不会在1963年来到此地,那年阿拉巴马州伯明翰市的黑人们用他们的行动唤起了国人的良知,最终产生了《民权法案》。假如我打了喷嚏,我就不会有机会在那年的8月试图告诉美国人我曾经怀有的一个梦想。假如我打了喷嚏,我就不会南下阿拉巴马州,到塞尔玛市见证那里的大游行。假如我打了喷嚏,今天我就不会在孟菲斯市看到围绕在受苦受难的兄弟姐妹身边的群众集会。我很高兴当时我没有打喷嚏。

他们告诉我——现在,现在发生什么确实于我无关紧要。今天早上我离开亚特兰大,就在我们一行六人开始登机的时候,飞行员通过机内广播系统说道:“我们很抱歉飞机晚点起飞,因为马丁·路德·金博士在这架飞机上。为了确保所有的包裹被检查一遍,为了确保本次航行不出任何差错,我们不得不仔细检查,而且我们整晚都会保护和守卫这架飞机。”当我到达孟菲斯市的时候,一些人开始散布威胁我的话,另外一些人在谈论这些威胁。我们某些病态的白人兄弟将会对我采取什么行动?我不知道将会发生什么。我们还将面临艰苦岁月。但是现在对我而言已不重要,因为我已经站在了山巅之上。我不在乎将会发生什么。像所有的人一样,我也渴望能够活得久一点。但生死由命,现在我已将其置之度外。

我只想按上帝旨意行事。他已允许我站在了山巅之上。我环视四周,我看到了应许之地。我也许不能和你们一起到达那里,但是今晚我要你们知道,我们民族一定能够达到那里!因此,今晚我很幸福。我不担心任何不测,我不惧怕任何人!我的眼睛里充满着上帝赐予我的光辉!!

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